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Wesleyan team tracked $80 million in AI political ads

Wesleyan team tracked $80 million in AI political ads

3 Key Points

  1. What happened

    Researchers tracking 2026 U.S. midterm ads through the Wesleyan Media Project found about US$80 million spent on almost 170 unique AI ads. Republican candidates and pro-Republican groups were behind 80% of the ads and 83% of the spending.

  2. Why it matters

    The findings suggest AI use in political advertising is concentrated on one side of the aisle, and that a patchwork of state rules is leaving many of these ads undisclosed to viewers.

  3. What to watch

    Disclosure is uneven — across 35 states, only 31% of tracked ads, representing 22% of spending, disclosed AI use. Watch the debate over transparency and enforcement of existing laws.

WHO IT HITSThis lands hardest on voters in the 35 states studied, who may see AI-generated or AI-enhanced political ads without any disclaimer on screen; it also matters to state legislators deciding whether disclosure rules actually change advertiser behavior.

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Context & Analysis

The 2026 U.S. midterm campaigns mark the first cycle in which AI-generated political ads are regularly appearing on televisions and social media feeds, according to researchers who have studied political advertising through the Wesleyan Media Project since 2010. Working from media reports, student coders and AdImpact, a firm that tracks political ad spending, they catalogued almost 170 unique AI ads across the cycle.

The ads themselves range from hyperrealistic deepfakes — synthetic video showing people doing things they did not do — to subtle visual enhancements that do not necessarily look different from pre-AI advertising. The researchers note that several ads featured deepfakes of figures including Donald Trump, Nancy Pelosi, Barack Obama, Kamala Harris and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and that AI was also used to generate crowds or constituents. A separate strand of the data concerns disclosure: some advertisers volunteer AI labels even where no law requires them, while others omit disclaimers even where state law calls for them.

The researchers offer only speculation about why Republicans dominate AI use in this cycle, pointing to broader party differences over campaign regulation — Democrats have generally favored limits on campaign spending and required disclosures, while Republicans have tended to favor a free-market approach. What the outcome hinges on, it seems, is not the presence of state laws alone: coverage varies by state, some laws target only candidate deepfakes, and at least one law took effect after an ad had already aired. The test is likely to be whether transparency rules, enforceability, and the design of disclosures can be made to matter to voters in practice.

FAQ
How much AI-related political ad spending did researchers find?
They tracked about US$80 million in spending on almost 170 unique ads that use AI, drawing on media reports, student coders and AdImpact.
Did the AI ads include disclaimers?
Across 35 states, only 31% of the ads tracked — representing 22% of the spending — disclosed the use of AI tools, and the wording of those disclaimers varied widely.
Do state AI disclosure laws change whether ads carry disclaimers?
The researchers found little relationship: 32% of ads in states without AI laws contained a disclaimer, versus 29% in states with such laws.

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